On January 29th, the Alzheimer’s Association released a statement indicating that they are cutting ties with Compassion & Choices, the leading pro-assisted suicide organization in the U.S. Importantly, they stated that “Their values are inconsistent with those of the Association.”
We hope this will spur deeper consideration and conversation among national medical organizations who are currently allied with Compassion & Choices.
Below is the Alzheimer’s Association’s statement reprinted in full:
Chicago, January 29, 2023 — In an effort to provide information and resources about Alzheimer’s disease, the Alzheimer’s Association entered into an agreement to provide education and awareness information to Compassion & Choices, but failed to do appropriate due diligence. Their values are inconsistent with those of the Association. We deeply regret our mistake, have begun the termination of the relationship, and apologize to all of the families we support who were hurt or disappointed. Additionally, we are reviewing our process for all agreements including those that are focused on the sharing of educational information.
As a patient advocacy group and evidence-based organization, the Alzheimer’s Association stands behind people living with Alzheimer’s, their care partners and their health care providers as they navigate treatment and care choices throughout the continuum of the disease. Research supports a palliative care approach as the highest quality of end-of-life care for individuals with advanced dementia.
Note: h/t to Alexander Raikin for the article on this.
March 1st will mark the twelfth annual Disability Day of Mourning, when disabled community members gather in various locations across the country to memorialize disabled victims of filicide. Vigils will take place both in person and virtually, and will include speeches, readings, and the list of names of victims.
Filicide is the murder of a disabled person by their family member or caregiver. The Autistic Self Advocacy Network (ASAN), which tracks these cases, has compiled a list of over 1600 reported murders of people with disabilities by relatives or caregivers over the last 40 years. ASAN, which also helps to coordinate all of the vigils, says that “The total number of killings is likely higher than the amount which are reported in news media. This problem is made worse by irresponsible news coverage which presents these murders as the sympathetic acts of loving and desperate parents, by a justice system which often gives a lighter sentence to a parent who kills a disabled child, and by the dangerous cultural prejudice that says a disabled life is not worth living.”
The first Disability Day of Mourning was held in 2012 after the murder of George Hodgins, an autistic man in California who was killed by his mother. Media coverage of the murder focused on how “difficult” it is to parent an autistic person, lending sympathy to the murderer and justifying her crime rather than focusing on the terrible tragedy of George Hodgins’ death. Zoe Gross, who now serves as the Advocacy Director for ASAN, wrote this about the media coverage of the murder: “Why is the story being told this way? Because we live in a world that doesn’t acknowledge the value of our lives as disabled people. Because so many people in our society can’t imagine a disabled person living a fulfilling life, so they don’t see the tragedy and the wasted potential when one of our lives is cut short.”
The socially accepted devaluation of disabled peoples’ lives is the underlying issue at the root of both filicide and assisted suicide. Not Dead Yet applauds ASAN for their important work in raising awareness of this issue and giving our community space to learn, process, and grieve. Interested in hosting a vigil, either virtually or in your local community? Sign up to be a vigil coordinator here. ASAN will give you all of the information and support you need to organize the vigil. Their 2023 Anti-Filicide Toolkit contains a step-by-step guide to putting together a vigil, either in-person or virtually, as well as tools and templates for promoting your vigil on social media. ASAN will support you through the process and answer any questions you may have. This is a great opportunity to bring your community together and engage in important advocacy work!
To the editor: For people with severe disabilities like me, assisted suicide is not just theoretical but a real social justice issue.
If law allowing for assisted suicide is passed in Massachusetts, many people could feel pressured to die. Because of ableism, disabled people are already seen by some as burdens, who might as well be dead. Recent research shows that more than 80 percent of surveyed doctors think disabled people have an inferior quality of life. There is not enough interest in getting adequate home supports for people who need them.
Suicide contagion is real. There is evidence that assisted suicide is associated with an increase in unassisted suicide, about 6 percent overall and 13 percent for women.
Canada has expanded eligibility for its “medical aid in dying” euthanasia program, from people diagnosed terminal to non-terminal disabled people, and next year to people with mental illness. Disabled people like former Paralympian Christine Gauthier are asking for supports, but Gauthier claims a Canadian government official offered her euthanasia. Her request? A wheelchair ramp for her house.
In the U.S., non-terminal disabled people with diabetes and anorexia nervosa are already dying under physician-assisted suicide laws in states like Oregon and Colorado. While proposed legislation in Massachusetts only applies to terminal patients, it’s possible for these proposals to have the conditions for eligibility altered before or after such a law would pass.
There are no safeguards to protect disabled people from ableism. Keep the law as it stands.
In this vlog, we’ll break down the recent ruling in Kligler v Healey, where the MA Supreme Judicial Court ruled that there is no constitutional right to assisted suicide and that involuntary manslaughter is the appropriate charge for a medical professional who assists in a patient’s suicide. All quotes and citations are from the Decision, which can be found here: https://adflegal.org/sites/default/files/2022-12/Kligler-v-Attorney-General-2022-12-19-Slip-Opinion.pdf
Video Transcript
[Speaker] The Not Dead Yet Vlog Episode 3. Crucial Case: Kligler Versus Healey.
– Hello and welcome to the special edition of the Not Dead Yet vlog. My name is Jules Good. I use they/them pronouns. And, I’m the Assistant Director and Policy Analyst at Not Dead Yet. I’m a white person with short brown hair and today I have on a yellow turtleneck sweater.
On December 19th, we got some great news. The Massachusetts Supreme Judicial Court ruled that people do not have a constitutional right to assisted suicide. This ruling came out of Kligler v Healy, a case initially filed in 2016 in which Dr. Robert Kligler, a cancer patient, and Dr. Allen Steinbach, a physician, argued that assisted suicide could not be prosecuted as involuntary manslaughter and that doctors should be immune from legal penalty if they prescribe medication for the purpose of assisted suicide. Plaintiffs also, and most importantly, argued that people have a constitutional right to assisted suicide. In this video, we’ll break down the most recent decision on this case and explore why it is so crucial to the landscape of assisted suicide opposition work in the United States.
Let’s start with the court’s summary of the case from the decision. It reads: “In this case, we are faced with the solemn task of determining whether the Massachusetts Declaration of Rights provides a substantive due process right to physician assisted suicide. The plaintiffs, a doctor who wishes to provide physician-assisted suicide and a patient who has been diagnosed with an incurable cancer, contend that terminally ill patients with six months or less to live have a constitutional right to receive prescription for lethal medication in order to bring about a death at a time and manner of their choosing. Although we recognize the paramount importance and profound significance of all end of life decisions, after careful consideration, we conclude that the Massachusetts Declaration of Rights does not reach so far as to protect physician assisted suicide. We conclude as well that the law of manslaughter may prohibit physician assisted suicide, and does so, without offending constitutional protections.”
There are a few key terms here that will help us understand the scope of this case. The first of these is substantive due process. Substantive due process is a principle courts used to decide if a policy is fair and just, especially if the policy in question is not specifically mentioned or detailed in the US Constitution or the state constitution of the state in which the case is being heard. Basically, it is impossible for a document such as the Constitution to account for every possible situation so courts rely on decisions from other court cases, peer-reviewed studies and other reputable sources of information in tandem with enumerated laws to guide their decision. In the Kligler case, this means that the court was trying to decide whether physician-assisted suicide is justified by the Massachusetts Declaration of Rights even though there is no specific clause within that document about physician-assisted suicide.
Kligler and Steinbach combined two arguments into one case. Kligler’s argument was that assisted suicide should be a fundamental right for terminally ill people with six months or less to live. The court was able to dismiss this claim pretty quickly because Kligler failed to present a case that fulfilled the purposes of the Declaratory Judgment Act. This is a legal principle that states that the outcome of a case should have an immediate impact on the rights of the parties. Kligler’s case didn’t meet the standard because he himself does not have a six month prognosis. In fact, Kligler’s doctor is quoted in the decision as saying that he would not “be surprised if Kligler is alive in 10 years time.” In other words, Kligler has way more than six months to live so a ruling that allowed assisted suicide for terminally ill people with six months or less to live would have no tangible impact on him. This causes him to fall short of the standards of declaratory judgment, so his complaint is dismissed.
Steinbach’s claim, on the other hand, required much deeper consideration by the court. He claims he has standing, a legalese term for a justified reason to bring forth a case, because he would be prosecuted for facilitating assisted suicide if he did so. Now you might be thinking, “Wait a second. Kligler and Steinbach are both arguing on the basis of hypothetical scenarios. Why was Kligler’s claim dismissed while Steinbach’s was considered?” That’s a great question. Kligler is literally not capable of meeting the standards necessary to give his claim standing. If he actually had a medical prognosis of six months to live, this case could have gone differently. The court is required to consider everything on a case by case basis. Kligler was essentially the wrong plaintiff for this case because he didn’t meet the requirements he was trying to have the court grant privileges around. Steinbach, however, could perform an assisted suicide tomorrow and face the consequences for doing so. He faces a real threat of prosecution even if he has not yet done the thing that would get him prosecuted.
So what would Steinbach be charged with then? In Massachusetts, performing an assisted suicide constitutes involuntary manslaughter. To be charged with this, it must be proven that the person responsible for the death acted in a way that was “1, intentional, 2, wanton or reckless, and 3, cause the victim’s deaths.” Points 1 and 3 are pretty easy to establish. A doctor facilitating assisted suicide for a patient definitely intends for the patient to die and definitely performs an action that causes the patient’s death. Proponents of assisted suicide, including Steinbach in this case, argue that assisted suicide is not the main cause of the patient’s death. The underlying condition is. However, the court maintains that the lethal prescription used in assisted suicide is indeed the cause of death because the entire point of the prescription is to kill the patient and it is clear and foreseeable that the patient will use the prescription to kill themself.
Point 2 of establishing an involuntary manslaughter charge that the killer acted in a way that was “wanton or reckless” is up for more rigorous debate. Steinbach argued that following approved medical guidelines for facilitating assisted suicide could not be considered wanton or reckless behavior. The court uses prior case law to further establish that “knowingly providing someone who has expressed an interest in ending his or her life with the means to do so may be considered wanton or reckless behavior.” This raises an interesting point about how this court views assisted suicide not as medical treatment but in line with any other kind of suicide. While the criminalization of suicide has indeed harmed survivors and families of those who have lost loved ones to suicide, the fact that it has historically been viewed as a type of murder in the eyes of Massachusetts case law lends credence to the court’s claim that assisted suicide is manslaughter.
Another piece of Steinbach’s claim is that criminalizing assisted suicide violates a patient’s constitutional right to privacy because, “if the right to privacy includes the right to refuse unwanted medical care, it also necessarily must include the right to physician-assisted suicide because there is no meaningful distinction between the two.” The court’s response to this argument forms an important takeaway from this decision. The court argues that they “recognize an important distinction between the refusal of medical treatment and physician assisted suicide which lies in fundamental legal principles of cause and effect. Whereas withdrawing or withholding medical care is not the primary cause of a patient’s death, the physician-assisted suicide is.” While this might seem like common sense to some, assisted suicide advocates have made this claim repeatedly for decades. And it’s important that the Massachusetts Court joined the US Supreme Court and several states and again rejecting it.
There are a few additional quotes from this decision I found to be significant that didn’t fit neatly into what I discussed earlier in this video, so I’m going to highlight them here. One is a footnote on terminology. It reads, “while the plaintiffs use the term medical aid in dying, in 2018, the American Medical Association’s Council on Ethical and Judicial Affairs again asserted its belief that “ethical deliberation and debate is best served by using the term physician assisted suicide rather than the more ambiguous aid in dying.” The vast majority of cases and statutes to have addressed the issue to date in other jurisdictions also use the phrase physician-assisted suicide.” Proponents of assisted suicide love to lambast opponents for using any phrase other than “medical aid in dying” because they don’t want the practice name for what it is, which is suicide. The word has negative connotations that they prefer to avoid, so it’s great to see the court defending our terminology as more accurate.
Another tidbit is about the rationale of applying the law of manslaughter to assisted suicide. They say this application “passes constitutional muster because the law is reasonably related to the state’s legitimate interest in preserving life, preventing suicide, protecting the integrity of the medical profession, ensuring that all end of life decisions are informed, voluntary and rational, and protecting vulnerable people from indifference, prejudice, and psychological and financial pressure to end their their lives.” That last part supports what disabled opponents of assisted suicide have been saying for years that a public policy of assisted suicide labels disabled people as disposable and less valuable than non-disabled people and that it leaves vulnerable people susceptible to coercion both from abusive caregivers and from our broken healthcare system. This is a crucial admission in a case of this stature.
We’ve been waiting on a decision in this case for many months and to see it come down in our favor is a great relief. Assisted suicide is not a constitutional right. Now, we have to keep fighting to stop assisted suicide from passing in state legislatures, including in Massachusetts. The legislative session kicks off this month so stay tuned for information about how you can get involved and support our work. In the meantime, visit us at www.notdeadyet.org to learn more about what we do. Thanks for watching.
Oregon is currently considering a bill that would no longer require people to prove Oregon residency in order to pursue assisted suicide. This bill comes after the March 2022 settlement reached in Gideonse v Brown, which alleged that the residency requirement is unconstitutional. The court did not rule but the parties agreed to a settlement that precluded prosecution by the government defendants. The bill currently being considered by the Oregon legislature would repeal the residency requirement throughout the state. Read NDY President and CEO Diane Coleman’s testimony opposing this bill below:
Comments Opposing Oregon Bill HB 2279
to Remove Residency Requirement for Assisted Suicide
Oregon HB 2279, which would repeal the state residency requirement of the Oregon assisted suicide statute, should be rejected by Oregon legislators. Oregon’s legislature should respect the laws and procedures of other states and legislators who have determined that assisted suicide laws pose a danger to their own residents.
In March 2022, the Oregon Health Authority and the Oregon Medical Board voluntarily agreed to stop enforcing the residency requirement and asked the Legislature to remove it from the law.
Though assisted suicide proponents claim that it’s a constitutional issue, no state high court has found a constitutional right to assisted suicide.
Oregonians may wonder why another state would decline to pass an assisted suicide law, which Oregon legislators have viewed as a benefit to its residents. Nevertheless, many view these laws as a danger to people with serious illnesses, chronic conditions and significant disabilities.
On October 9, 2019, the U.S. National Council on Disability (NCD) released the findings of a federal examination (https://ncd.gov/sites/default/files/NCD_Assisted_Suicide_Report_508.pdf) of the country’s assisted suicide laws and their effect on people with disabilities, finding the laws’ safeguards are ineffective and oversight of abuses and mistakes is absent. Over the last two decades, every major national disability organization (http://notdeadyet.org/disability-groups-opposed-to-assisted-suicide-laws) that has taken a position on assisted suicide opposes it. Some of the reasons for opposing assisted suicide laws are:
When assisted suicide is legal, it’s the cheapest treatment available—an attractive option in our profit-driven healthcare system.
Assisted suicide is a prescription for abuse: an heir or abusive caregiver can steer someone towards assisted suicide, witness the request, pick up the lethal dose, and in the end, even administer the drug—no witnesses are required at the death, so who would know?
Many other pressures exist that can cause people with compromised health to consider hastening their death.
People with disabilities, whether our conditions are predicted to be terminal or not, are often viewed as tragic and worth-less. These societal messages too often lead to suicidal feelings, but these feelings deserve suicide prevention, not suicide assistance.
Let other states determine how best to provide for the safety of their residents. Please oppose HB 2279.